This included the creation of the hashtag #12DaysofRage. On November 1, 2015, comedian Margaret Cho announced a two-part campaign inspired by her history as a sexual-abuse survivor, to promote her new music video ‘I Wanna Kill My Rapist’. Finally, in offering a critique of the standard narratives employed in the news media, this article draws from Kampusch's autobiography 3,096 Days, in which she explicitly engages with and critiques the problematic portrayals so frequent in media representations of the case, and offers an alternative interpretation of victimhood. This article highlights the inconsistencies, assumptions and dangers inherent in popular cultural narratives of femininity. The narratives employed to describe Kampusch were limited, conflicting, highly gendered and sometimes hostile, as mainstream media discourse struggled to fit her into an acceptable construction of female victimhood. This article argues that Kampusch's failure to approximate a familiar narrative of victimhood provoked a backlash against her. In public statements, she asserted her agency and independence and expressed her ambivalence towards her kidnapper. Kampusch did not, however, embody the qualities expected of a victim. She initially received sympathy from the media and the public. This article analyses the narratives used to describe Kampusch in Western news media. Priklopil committed suicide later that day. Eight years after her abduction, Kampusch escaped. Natascha Kampusch was kidnapped by Wolfgang Priklopil in 1998, when she was 10 years old. This article examines the media coverage of the Natascha Kampusch case, a high-profile Austrian abduction case, in a sample of 355 newspaper articles from 21 English language newspapers over a four-year period, from 2006 to 2010. The Article concludes that feminists should begin the complicated process of disentangling feminism’s important anti-sexual coercion stance from a criminal justice system currently reflective of hierarchy and unable to produce social justice. Finally, it discusses why purported cultural and utilitarian benefits from rape reform cannot outweigh the destructive effect criminalization efforts have on feminist discourse and the feminist message. The Article then crafts a separate philosophical critique of pro-prosecution approaches by exposing the tension between the basic tenets of feminism and those animating the modern American penal state. In advancing this caution, the Article systematically catalogues the existing intra-feminist critiques of rape reform and discusses reasons why these critiques have proven relatively ineffective at reversing the punitive course of reform. This Article cautions feminists to weigh carefully any purported benefits of reform against the considerable philosophical and practical costs of criminalization strategies before considering making further investments of time, resources, and intellect in rape reform. After decades of using criminal law as the primary vehicle to address sexualized violence, the time is ripe for feminists to reassess continued involvement in rape reform. However, reforms that target the difficulties of date rape prosecutions and seek to counter gender norms, such as rape shield and affirmative consent laws, are controversial, sporadically-implemented, and empirically unsuccessful. Sexual assault laws that adopt prevailing views of criminality and victimhood, such as predator laws, enjoy great popularity. In the rape context, this effort has produced mixed results. In apparent lock-step with the movement of the American penal system, feminists have advocated a host of reforms to strengthen state power to punish gender-based crimes. Cannibal sex.Over the past several years, feminism has been increasingly associated with crime control and the incarceration of men.